How to do bad PR: Announce plans to raise fees effecting
low-income customers, then pull back, wait a year, then announce such plans
again, then pull back yet again. This sort of PR strategy gives rise to
headlines such as, “Bank of America Backs Down on New Fees.” The Wall Street
Journal could have added, “yet again.” Besides the obvious PR downside to
announcing unpopular fees—and on one’s least well-off customers—is the
implication of weakness or vulnerability in repeatedly backing down. In the
animal kingdom, Bank of America would not exactly be the alpha male lion.
Rather, the bank would be one of the other males, which may or may not get to
reproduce.
Saturday, December 1, 2012
Monday, November 26, 2012
The Filibuster: States' Rights or a Partisan Ploy?
Before 1917, senators could filibuster only by talking
continuously on the U.S. Senate floor. There was no mechanism to stop them.
Such filibusters were rare until entering World War I was debated. In 1917, the
Senate passed its first “cloture” rule, whereby two-thirds of the Senate could
cut off debate and force a final vote. Between that year and 1971, no two-year
session of Congress had more than 10 such votes. Even so, in 1971 the rules
were changed to allow other legislation to be taken up during a filibuster—relieving
a senator of having to continuously talk to maintain one. Making it easier to
filibuster quickly led to the predictable result of more filibusters. In the 93rd
Congress (1973-74), the number of cloture motions jumped to 31, from an average
in the 1917-1971 period of two per Congressional session. In 1975, the number
of votes needed to stop a filibuster was lowered from 67 to 60. However, this
change did not curtail the use of the device, as it is rare for a party to
control 60 votes out of 100 in the U.S. Senate. By 2010, the average number of
cloture motions per two-year session had risen to 129, which suggests that the
filibuster had become more typical in how senate business was to be conducted. In
effect, legislation and even executive business, such as confirming
presidential nominations, needed a supermajority (60 out of 100) in the upper
chamber of Congress.
The complete essay is at Essays on Two Federal Empires, available at Amazon.
The complete essay is at Essays on Two Federal Empires, available at Amazon.
Non-Tariff Barriers to Trans-Atlantic Trade
Karel De Gucht, the E.U. trade commissioner, said in late
November 2012, “There is now, for the first time in years, a serious drive
towards an E.U.-U.S. free-trade agreement.” The office of his counterpart, Ron Kirk,
the U.S. trade representative, indicated that a high-level working-group
consisting of Europeans and Americans was working on “how best to increase
U.S.-E.U. trade and investment.” The sticking point concerned non-tariff
barriers, such as different regulatory standards.
The complete essay is at Essays on Two Federal Empires, available at Amazon.
The complete essay is at Essays on Two Federal Empires, available at Amazon.
Sunday, November 25, 2012
Steve Jobs: The Sad Truth about Visionary Leadership
According to Joe Nocera, Steve Jobs was not a
consensus-builder but a dictator. Lest it be objected that this disqualifies
him from being admitted to the “true leader” hall of fame, Nocera hints at an
explanation for why visionary leaders may not be all that touchy-feely after
all. Nocera suggests that Jobs was a dictator because he “listened mainly to
his own intuition.” He “never stopped relying on his singular instincts in
making decisions” on Apple products. This makes complete sense, as his sense
was singular.
The full essay is in On
the Arrogance of False Entitlement: A Nietzschean Critique of Business Ethics
and Management, which is available at Amazon.
Friday, November 23, 2012
Mexico’s Name-Change: A United States No Longer?
Shortly before leaving office, Mexican President Felipe
Canderón sent to the Mexican legislature a proposal to amend the state’s
constitution by renaming the country “Mexico,” from the “United Mexican States.”
His rationale was that Mexico didn’t need “a name that emulates another country
and which none of us Mexicans uses on a day-to-day basis.” Indeed, the
emulation evinces a category mistake in that it treats what was province in an
empire, that of New Spain, as an empire.
Thursday, November 22, 2012
Moody’s: Statist France Lagging in the E.U.
Bashing the
French in a major article on their lack of business competitiveness, the Economist was the target of la colère en Paris in November 2012.
Just after the magazine’s warning that France could be the next danger-zone for
the euro due to relatively high labor costs and unemployment, Moody’s cut the
state’s rating to Aa1 from Aaa and kept a negative outlook on the rating.
Moody’s cited the state’s economic weakness and the risks to the finances of
the state government “posed by” France’s “persistent structural economic
challenges.” In this way, Moody’s analysis dovetails with that of the Economist. Both pointed to a sort of
impotence in French industrial policy. Moody’s decision excluded factors from
the broader debt crisis in the E.U., focusing instead on the French
government’s continued “reliance on borrowing to finance generous
social-welfare programs” even as businesses in the state were laying-off
employees. In other words, Francois Hollande had not gone far enough in his
policies to make a dent in the state’s deficit as well as the downward
trajectory of French competitiveness in the E.U. Meanwhile, deteriorating economic
conditions in the E.U. were effectively closing the window of opportunity on even
a one-party government being able to enact substantive reform. I contend that
the gap between what the Socialist party could
do, given its absolute majority in the legislature, and what it was actually
doing contributed to the criticism.
The full essay is in Essays on the E.U. Political Economy, available at Amazon.
Wednesday, November 21, 2012
House of Commons Undercuts Cameron on E.U. Budget
In 2012,
David Cameron of Britain “suffered his first major House of Commons defeat” in
governing “when some in his party failed
to back his position on the budget negotiations and urged him to secure deeper
cuts” in the pending 1 trillion euros E.U. budget for 2014-2020. Although Cameron had stated he would veto the
European Commission’s proposal to increase the overall E.U. budget by 5%
annually for the seven-year period, he did not support cutting the federal
budget. Because the vote in his state legislature for cuts in the federal
budget was non-binding, the governor was free to ignore it in the European
Council, where the state governments are represented. The European system of
public governance suffered from at least two major weaknesses here.
The complete essay is at Essays on Two Federal Empires, available at Amazon.
The complete essay is at Essays on Two Federal Empires, available at Amazon.
David Cameron representing his state at the E.U. (AFP/Getty)
Tuesday, November 20, 2012
States Pull Ahead of E.U. on Syria: A Compromised Foreign Policy?
In November
2012, the New York Times reported that the European Union was offering “crucial
support for the new Syrian political opposition,” which the E.U. referred to as
the “legitimate representative for the Syrian people.” The E.U. stopped short
of “conferring full diplomatic recognition” to the new group—the National
Coalition of Syrian Revolutionary and Opposition Forces—even though one of the
E.U.’s states, France, had conferred such recognition one week earlier, and
another state, Britain, would soon do likewise.
The full essay is at Essays on the E.U. Political Economy, available at Amazon.
Thursday, November 15, 2012
The U.S. Producing More Oil: A Panacea or Obstacle?
The International Energy
Agency projected in 2012 that a shale-oil boom would catapult the United States
over the state of Saudi Arabia as the world’s largest oil producer by 2020. In
the words of the Wall Street Journal, the global energy map was “being redrawn
by the resurgence in oil and gas production in the United States.” Although the
United States would benefit in the period from the trajectory, the drawbacks
should not be ignored. In fact, the trend could be harmful in the long term if
preparedness for a world without oil is put off as a consequence.
Tuesday, November 13, 2012
Women on Corporate Boards: Britain vs. the E.U. Justice Commissioner
In 2012, women made up 13.7% of
board positions in large listed companies in the E.U., and 15% for nonexecutive
board positions, according to The Wall Street Journal. In the U.S., according to Kay Koplovitz of USA Network, the
number of women on corporate boards had been stalled at more or less 15 percent
for over ten years. Whereas in the U.S., people would look at Congress to enact
a uniform inter-state standard or else leave the matter to individual
corporations, the E.U. has other alternative means, such as the directive. That
device relies on the state governments to decide on the penalties as well as
enforcement against violators of the E.U. law. Even though the Commission could
take a state refusing to implement a directive to the European Court of
Justice, the “cost” of the flexibility in the state-based implementation is a
possible dilution in the law’s aims being achieved throughout the E.U. rather
than just in a few states. Put another way, even as the ideological diversity
within the empire-scale union is accommodated, advocates of more female
representation on corporate boards may be disappointed as some states give
non-complying companies only a slap on the wrist.
The full essay is at Essays on the E.U. Political Economy, available at Amazon.
Thursday, November 8, 2012
Divergent Fiscal Policies in the E.U.
States on
divergent fiscal paths can test the flexibility of an empire-scale union,
particularly if it is relatively new and still developing. Simply having
different industrial/agricultural make-ups can put states at odds with each
other. That the richer states can use fiscal policy to become even richer,
while the policies imposed on poorer states may aggravate their fiscal conditions,
can mean that the economic distinctions between states can become an increasing problem in a federal system,
even given the allowances enabled by federalism itself (e.g., by the principle
of subsidiarity).
The
complete essay is at Essays on Two Federal Empires, available at Amazon.
Monday, November 5, 2012
Romania’s Monetary Policy in Federal Europe
Sometimes monetary policy and federalism
can interact in interesting ways. To grasp a particular relation, such as that
of Romania in the European Union, it is first necessary to keep in mind that
monetary policy is not federalism and vice versa. An anti-federalist, for
example, might have an incentive to conflate the two concepts out of a desire
to deny the existence of a federal system already underway.
The complete essay is at Essays on Two Federal Empires, available at Amazon.
The complete essay is at Essays on Two Federal Empires, available at Amazon.
Friday, November 2, 2012
E.U. Directives: Applicability to American Federalism
Far from having gone off the court to an
easy retirement in the Bahamas, U.S. Supreme Court justice John Paul Stevens
found a calling in advocating the addition of four words to the U.S.
constitution, here put in italics:
“The laws of the United States . . . shall be the supreme law of the land; and
the judges and other public officials in
every state shall be bound thereby.” While the proposal seems innocent enough,
and even a matter of progress after the fashion of the E.U. Stevens’ rationale
befits the more general shift at the time from federalism to consolidation in
American governance.
Monday, October 29, 2012
Wiley Punishing Resellers: Beyond Profits
Publishers sell
English-language textbooks at lower rates in developing countries. Such
“cut-rate foreign goods” are a staple on e-Bay. In late October 2012, the U.S.
Supreme Court heard arguments on a case that pits the practice against the
claims of publishers of copyright infringement. The case began when Wiley
accused a USC doctoral student of copyright infringement and won a $600,000
judgment. The student not being able to afford the judgment, Wiley successfully
urged the judge to take the student’s golf clubs and his computer after his
graduation—as if sending the student to his room without dinner even though the
vase is still broken. Clearly, the clubs and computer could not come even close
to covering the judgment. Given the lack of publicity on the particulars, I
doubt that the terms were even designed to be a deterrent. If I am correct, the
motive comes from more of a “stick it to him” mentality. Whereas a legal
analysis of the case is doubtless most typical, I want to try to uncover the
sordid nature of this mentality behind the “clubs and computer” slap-down.
The
full essay has been incorporated into On
the Arrogance of False Entitlement: A Nietzschean Critique of Business Ethics
and Management, available at Amazon.
German Conservatives Ease Up on Greece
During the summer of 2012, it was all
too easy, especially for financial analysts (whose expertise is on finance
rather than politics), to summarily conclude that the E.U. was not capable of
keeping the states of Greece and Spain from default. Perhaps the human brain
has an innate proclivity to think in bipolar terms in the sense that something
(or someone) is presumed either “good” or “bad.” Empirically, social
organization, which includes politics and finance, is typically more gray than
“black and white.” This is undoubtedly the case concerning the political risk
analysis that goes into assessments of systemic risk, especially where
uncertainty is salient. In general terms, I would say that as of 2012 the
anticipated demise of the euro (and even the E.U.) was much exaggerated.
Somehow or other, European policy-makers were able to hold the federal
ship-of-state together in spite of its vulnerabilities.
The full essay is at Essays on the E.U. Political Economy, available at Amazon.
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